📚 Informal Sources of Presidential Power and Their Use | 总统权力的非正式来源及其运用
In the study of US politics, the formal powers of the president are listed in Article II of the Constitution, but much of the modern presidency rests on informal sources of power that have developed through practice, precedent and political circumstance. These informal powers are not explicitly written into the Constitution, yet they often determine how effectively a president can lead Congress, shape policy and respond to national challenges. Understanding these sources is essential for A-Level Edexcel Politics students because exam questions regularly ask candidates to assess the extent to which informal powers have expanded presidential authority beyond the framers' original design.
在美国政治的学习中，总统的正式权力列于宪法第二条，但现代总统职权的很大一部分建立在通过实践、先例和政治环境发展起来的非正式权力来源之上。这些非正式权力并未明确写入宪法，但它们往往决定了一位总统能多有效地领导国会、塑造政策以及应对国家挑战。理解这些来源对 Edexcel A-Level 政治学考生至关重要，因为试题经常要求考生评估非正式权力在多大程度上使总统权力超出了制宪者最初的设计。
1. Formal and Informal Powers: The Distinction | 正式权力与非正式权力的区别
Formal powers are those explicitly granted by Article II of the US Constitution, such as the power to sign or veto legislation, command the armed forces, grant pardons, make treaties with Senate approval and appoint ambassadors, judges and executive officers with Senate consent. These powers are limited and often require the cooperation of Congress, making them insufficient to explain the modern presidency's dominance in areas such as foreign policy and administrative action.
正式权力是宪法第二条明确授予的权力，例如签署或否决立法、统率武装力量、发布赦免、在参议院批准下缔结条约以及经参议院同意任命大使、法官和行政官员。这些权力有限，往往需要国会的合作，因此不足以解释现代总统在外交政策和行政行动等领域的主导地位。
Informal powers, by contrast, are not mentioned in the Constitution but have emerged from historical practice, judicial rulings and the president's unique position as the sole nationally elected figure. They include executive orders, executive agreements, signing statements, executive privilege, the use of the bully pulpit and the management of the White House staff. These tools enable presidents to act quickly and unilaterally in ways that formal powers alone would not permit.
相比之下，非正式权力并未在宪法中提及，而是从历史实践、司法裁决以及总统作为唯一全国民选人物的独特地位中产生。它们包括行政命令、行政协议、签署声明、行政特权、对“讲坛权力”的运用以及对白宫幕僚的管理。这些工具使总统能够迅速采取单方面行动，而仅靠正式权力是无法做到的。
2. The Electoral Mandate and Popular Prestige | 选举授权与民众声望
One of the most important informal sources of presidential power is the electoral mandate, which is the claim that a president has been given authority by the voters to carry out a specific programme. A president who wins a large victory, especially with a clear margin in the Electoral College, can argue that the public has endorsed his or her agenda, making it harder for Congress to obstruct that agenda without appearing to defy the popular will.
总统非正式权力最重要的来源之一是选举授权，即总统声称选民已赋予他执行特定计划的权力。一位以较大优势获胜的总统，尤其是在选举人团中优势明显时，可以主张公众已认可其政策议程，从而使国会更难以阻挠该议程，否则就会显得违背民意。
Presidents often use popular approval ratings as a source of political capital. When poll numbers are high, members of Congress from the president's party are more likely to support the president's proposals, while opposition members may be more willing to compromise. Conversely, low approval ratings weaken a president's informal influence, as seen during the later years of several presidencies when scandal or economic trouble reduced legislative success.
总统经常利用民众支持率作为政治资本来源。当民调数字高企时，总统所在党派的国会议员更可能支持总统的提案，而反对党议员也可能更愿意妥协。相反，支持率低下会削弱总统的非正式影响力，这在一些总统任期的后期表现得尤为明显，丑闻或经济困境导致立法成功率下降。
The mandate is not a legal power, but a rhetorical and political one. It can be used to frame the national conversation and to justify ambitious action, particularly in the first hundred days of a presidency. Barack Obama in 2009, for example, used his electoral mandate to push for an economic stimulus package and healthcare reform, arguing that voters had rejected the policies of the previous administration.
选举授权不是法律权力，而是一种修辞和政治权力。它可以用来设定全国讨论的框架，并为雄心勃勃的行动提供理由，尤其是在总统任期的前一百天。例如，2009 年巴拉克·奥巴马利用选举授权推动经济刺激计划和医疗改革，主张选民已经否决了前任政府的政策。
3. Executive Orders and Presidential Memoranda | 行政命令与总统备忘录
Executive orders are directives issued by the president to federal agencies and officials that have the force of law, even though they are not mentioned in the Constitution. They derive their authority from the president's constitutional duty to 'take care that the laws be faithfully executed' and from powers delegated by Congress in statutes. Presidents use executive orders to manage the executive branch, set policy priorities and respond to emergencies without waiting for legislation.
行政命令是总统向联邦机构和官员发布的指令，具有法律效力，尽管宪法中并未提及。它们的权力来源于总统“确保法律被忠实执行”的宪法职责以及国会在法规中授予的权力。总统利用行政命令管理行政部门、确定政策优先事项并在无需等待立法的情况下应对紧急情况。
Executive orders can be controversial because they allow presidents to make significant policy changes unilaterally. For example, Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 9066 during the Second World War to authorise the internment of Japanese Americans, and Harry Truman used an executive order to desegregate the armed forces in 1948. More recently, presidents have used executive orders to address climate change, immigration and border security when Congress failed to act.
行政命令可能引发争议，因为它们允许总统单方面做出重大政策改变。例如，富兰克林·D·罗斯福在二战期间发布了第 9066 号行政命令，授权拘禁日裔美国人；哈里·杜鲁门在 1948 年利用行政命令废除了军队中的种族隔离。近年来，总统们在国会未能采取行动时，利用行政命令处理气候变化、移民和边境安全等问题。
A key limitation is that executive orders can be overturned by a new president, struck down by the courts if they exceed presidential authority, or nullified by Congress through legislation or the power of the purse. However, while they are in effect, they often shape policy significantly and can be difficult to reverse immediately.
一个关键局限在于，行政命令可以被新任总统推翻，如果超出总统权限则可能被法院否决，或者国会可以通过立法或财政权使其无效。然而，在生效期间，它们往往对政策产生重大影响，并且很难立即被逆转。
4. Executive Agreements versus Treaties | 行政协议与条约的比较
The Constitution gives the president the power to make treaties, but only with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the Senate. This is a high threshold, and many international agreements would fail to secure ratification. In response, presidents have increasingly used executive agreements, which are international agreements made by the president alone or with a foreign leader, without the need for Senate approval.
宪法赋予总统缔结条约的权力，但须经参议院三分之二的建议和同意。这一门槛很高，许多国际协议难以获得批准。因此，总统越来越多地使用行政协议，即总统单独或与外国领导人达成的国际协议，无需参议院批准。
Executive agreements far outnumber treaties in modern US foreign policy. They can cover trade, defence, arms control and environmental cooperation. Important examples include the Yalta and Potsdam agreements negotiated by Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry Truman during the Second World War, as well as the Paris Climate Agreement entered into by Barack Obama in 2015. Donald Trump later withdrew from the Paris Agreement through executive action, illustrating how easily such agreements can be changed.
在现代美国外交政策中，行政协议的数量远超条约。它们可以涵盖贸易、防务、军备控制和环境合作。重要例子包括富兰克林·D·罗斯福和哈里·杜鲁门在二战期间谈判的雅尔塔和波茨坦协议，以及巴拉克·奥巴马在 2015 年加入的《巴黎气候协定》。唐纳德·特朗普后来通过行政行动退出了《巴黎协定》，说明此类协议是多么容易被改变。
The use of executive agreements is an informal power because it is based on practice, court decisions and the president's recognised authority in foreign affairs rather than on a specific constitutional clause. Critics argue that it undermines the Senate's treaty role, while supporters say it is necessary for the efficient conduct of diplomacy in a complex world.
使用行政协议是一种非正式权力，因为它基于惯例、法院裁决以及总统在外交事务中被认可的权力，而不是基于某个具体的宪法条款。批评者认为这削弱了参议院在条约方面的作用，而支持者则认为这是在一个复杂世界中有效开展外交所必需的。
5. Signing Statements | 签署声明
A signing statement is a written comment issued by the president when signing a bill into law. Presidents use signing statements to interpret the legislation, to declare parts of it unconstitutional or to indicate how they intend to enforce it. Although signing statements have been used since the early republic, they became particularly prominent under President George W. Bush, who used them to challenge provisions he believed infringed on executive power.
签署声明是总统在将法案签署为法律时发布的书面意见。总统利用签署声明来解释立法、宣布其中的某些部分违宪，或表明他们打算如何执行该法律。尽管签署声明自共和国早期就被使用，但在乔治·W·布什总统任内变得尤为突出，他用签署声明来挑战他认为侵犯行政权的条款。
This tool effectively allows the president to shape the meaning and enforcement of laws without going through the courts or Congress. If the president declares a provision unconstitutional, executive agencies may refuse to enforce it, effectively giving the president a line-item veto that the Supreme Court has otherwise declared unconstitutional in other contexts.
这一工具实际上允许总统在无需经过法院或国会的情况下塑造法律的含义和执行。如果总统宣布某条款违宪，行政机关可能拒绝执行该条款，这实际上赋予了总统一项单项否决权，而最高法院在其他情形下已宣布这种否决权违宪。
Critics of signing statements, including some members of Congress and legal scholars, argue that they allow the president to undermine the separation of powers and the legislative process. Supporters, however, contend that the president has a duty to uphold the Constitution and should not enforce laws that he or she believes to be unconstitutional.
签署声明的批评者，包括一些国会议员和法律学者，认为这使总统能够削弱权力分立和立法程序。而支持者则认为，总统有责任维护宪法，不应执行他或她认为违宪的法律。
6. Executive Privilege | 行政特权
Executive privilege is the claimed right of the president and other executive branch officials to withhold information from Congress, the courts and the public. It is not mentioned in the Constitution but has been recognised by the Supreme Court as an implied power necessary to protect confidential communications within the executive branch, especially concerning national security and diplomatic negotiations.
行政特权是总统及其他行政部门官员声称拥有的向国会、法院和公众隐瞒信息的权利。宪法中并未提及这一权利，但最高法院已承认它是保护行政部门内部机密沟通所必需的隐含权力，尤其是在国家安全和外交谈判方面。
The landmark case United States v. Nixon (1974) established that executive privilege is not absolute. The Supreme Court ruled unanimously that President Richard Nixon had to release the Watergate tapes despite his claim of executive privilege, because the need for evidence in a criminal trial outweighed the president's general interest in confidentiality. This case set important limits on the use of the privilege.
美国诉尼克松案（1974 年）确立了行政特权并非绝对的原则。最高法院一致裁定，理查德·尼克松总统必须交出“水门事件”录音带，尽管他主张行政特权，因为刑事审判中对证据的需要超过了总统在保密方面的一般利益。该案为行政特权的使用设定了重要限制。
Presidents have continued to assert executive privilege in disputes with Congress over documents and testimony, often leading to political standoffs and sometimes to court battles. The use of executive privilege can shield the president from immediate scrutiny but may create the impression of an imperial presidency if used too broadly.
总统们在与国会就文件和证词发生争议时继续主张行政特权，这往往导致政治僵局，有时甚至引发法庭争斗。使用行政特权可以使总统免受即时审查，但如果使用范围过广，可能给人留下“帝王式总统”的印象。
7. Impoundment of Funds | 资金扣押
Impoundment refers to the president's refusal to spend money that Congress has appropriated for a particular purpose. This was used by presidents such as Thomas Jefferson, but it became especially controversial under Richard Nixon, who attempted to impound billions of dollars for programmes he opposed. Critics argued that impoundment effectively gave the president an item veto and allowed him to nullify congressional spending decisions.
资金扣押是指总统拒绝使用国会为特定目的拨出的款项。托马斯·杰斐逊等总统曾使用过这一手段，但在理查德·尼克松任内变得尤为有争议，尼克松试图扣押数十亿美元用于他所反对的项目。批评者认为，资金扣押实际上赋予了总统项目否决权，并使他能够取消国会的开支决定。
In response, Congress passed the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974. This law required the president to spend appropriated funds unless Congress agreed to the proposed delay or cancellation. It sought to restore congressional control over the budget and to prevent presidents from using impoundment as a routine tool of policy making.
作为回应，国会通过了 1974 年《国会预算与扣押控制法》。该法要求总统必须使用拨款，除非国会同意拟议的延迟或取消。它旨在恢复国会对预算的控制，并防止总统将资金扣押作为常规的政策制定工具。
Despite this restriction, presidents still sometimes delay the expenditure of funds or seek to reprogramme money in ways that achieve similar policy goals. The line between legitimate deferral and unlawful impoundment remains a subject of political and legal dispute.
尽管有了这一限制，总统有时仍会延迟支出或寻求以其他方式重新调配资金来达到类似的政策目标。合法的延期与非法扣押之间的界限仍然是政治和法律争议的主题。
8. The Bully Pulpit and Going Public | “讲坛权力”与走向公众
The term 'bully pulpit' was coined by President Theodore Roosevelt to describe the president's unique ability to command public attention and shape public opinion. The presidency gives its holder a platform that no other politician can match, and modern presidents use speeches, press conferences, social media and public events to promote their agendas and pressure Congress.
“讲坛权力”一词由西奥多·罗斯福总统创造，用来形容总统吸引公众注意力和塑造公众舆论的独特能力。总统职位赋予其拥有者一个其他政治家无法比拟的平台，现代总统利用演讲、新闻发布会、社交媒体和公共活动来推动议程并向国会施压。
Going public is an informal strategy in which the president appeals directly to the people in order to generate support that will translate into pressure on members of Congress. This can be effective when a president is popular, because members of Congress do not want to be seen as obstructing a popular president's programme. However, it can also backfire if the president's approval ratings are low or if the issue is highly polarised.
走向公众是一种非正式策略，总统直接向人民发出呼吁，以争取支持，进而转化为对国会议员的压力。当总统声望较高时，这可能是有效的，因为国会议员不愿被视为阻碍一位受欢迎总统的计划。然而，如果总统支持率较低或议题高度极化，这种策略也可能适得其反。
The rise of social media has amplified the bully pulpit, allowing presidents to communicate instantly with millions of followers without the filter of the traditional media. Donald Trump's use of Twitter, for example, allowed him to dominate news cycles and appeal directly to his base, though it also generated controversy and legal questions about presidential communications.
社交媒体的兴起放大了“讲坛权力”，使总统能够与传统媒体的过滤无关地即时与数百万关注者沟通。例如，唐纳德·特朗普对推特的运用使他能够主导新闻周期并直接吸引其基本盘，尽管这也引发了争议以及关于总统沟通的法律问题。
9. Crisis Management and Inherent Emergency Powers | 危机管理与固有紧急权力
Presidents often gain informal power during national emergencies because the public and Congress look to the executive for swift and decisive action. Abraham Lincoln suspended habeas corpus during the Civil War, Franklin D. Roosevelt expanded federal authority during the Great Depression and the Second World War, and George W. Bush created new security practices after the September 11 attacks. In each case, the crisis allowed the president to act in ways that would have been difficult to justify in normal times.
在国家紧急状态下，总统往往获得非正式权力，因为公众和国会期待行政部门采取迅速果断的行动。亚伯拉罕·林肯在内战期间中止了人身保护令，富兰克林·D·罗斯福在大萧条和二战期间扩大了联邦权力，乔治·W·布什在 9·11 袭击后创建了新的安全措施。在每个案例中，危机都使总统得以采取在正常时期难以证明正当性的行动。
The concept of inherent powers suggests that the president possesses certain powers that are not enumerated in the Constitution but are necessary for the nation's survival and the effective functioning of the executive branch. The Supreme Court has sometimes recognised this idea, but it has also placed limits on emergency presidential power, as in Youngstown Sheet and Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952), which ruled that President Truman lacked the authority to seize steel mills during the Korean War without congressional authorisation.
固有权力的概念表明，总统拥有某些未在宪法中列举但为国家生存和行政部门有效运作所必需的权力。最高法院有时承认这一观点，但也对紧急总统权力施加了限制，例如在扬斯顿钢板和钢管公司诉索耶案（1952 年）中，法院裁定杜鲁门总统在朝鲜战争期间未经国会授权无权接管钢厂。
Crisis situations also give presidents the opportunity to set long-term precedents. Security measures introduced as temporary responses can become permanent features of the political landscape, expanding the informal powers of future presidents. This is why debates about emergency powers are so important in the study of US government and politics.
危机局势还为总统提供了树立长期先例的机会。作为临时应对措施引入的安全措施可以成为政治格局的持久特征，从而扩大未来总统的非正式权力。这就是为什么关于紧急权力的辩论在美国政府与政治研究中如此重要。
10. The White House Staff and the Kitchen Cabinet | 白宫幕僚与“厨房内阁”
The White House staff and the Executive Office of the President are informal sources of power because the president appoints them without Senate confirmation and can use them to develop policy, manage communications and coordinate the executive branch. The growth of the White House staff since the twentieth century has strengthened the president's capacity to act independently of the permanent bureaucracy and Congress.
白宫幕僚和总统行政办公室是非正式权力来源，因为总统无需参议院确认即可任命他们，并可以利用他们制定政策、管理沟通和协调行政部门。自二十世纪以来白宫幕僚的扩张增强了总统独立于常设官僚机构和国会行动的能力。
The term 'kitchen cabinet' originally referred to President Andrew Jackson's informal group of trusted advisers who met in the White House kitchen rather than through the official cabinet. Today, presidents often rely on close aides such as the chief of staff, national security adviser and senior policy advisers more than on the formal cabinet, allowing them to centralise decision-making in the White House.
“厨房内阁”一词最初指安德鲁·杰克逊总统的一群非正式亲信顾问，他们在白宫厨房而非通过正式内阁开会。如今，总统往往更多地依赖幕僚长、国家安全顾问和高级政策顾问等亲密助手，而不是正式内阁，从而使决策集中在白宫。
This reliance on staff can enhance presidential power by providing loyal advice and rapid action, but it can also create problems of accountability, because staff members are not subject to Senate confirmation and may be less willing to challenge the president's judgement. The Iran-Contra affair during the Reagan administration illustrated how an informal network of aides could pursue policies outside normal constitutional channels.
这种对幕僚的依赖可以通过提供忠诚的建议和迅速的行动来增强总统权力，但也可能产生问责问题，因为幕僚成员无需参议院确认，并且可能不太愿意质疑总统的判断。里根政府时期的“伊朗门”事件表明，一个非正式的助手网络如何能够在正常宪法渠道之外推行政策。
11. Limits and Checks on Informal Powers | 非正式权力的限制与制衡
Informal presidential powers are not unlimited. Congress can check the president through its legislative powers, including the power of the purse, the power to investigate and the power to pass new laws that restrict executive action. The Senate's confirmation power also affects the president's ability to appoint officials and judges, and the House's power of impeachment provides a final constitutional check on presidential misconduct.
总统的非正式权力并非无限。国会可以通过其立法权，包括财政权、调查权和通过新法律限制行政行为的权力，来制衡总统。参议院的确认权也影响总统任命官员和法官的能力，而众议院的弹劾权则是对总统不当行为的最终宪法制衡。
The federal courts, especially the Supreme Court, can rule that executive actions exceed the president's authority under the Constitution or statute. Judicial rulings can force the president to change course, release information or abandon a policy, as seen in cases involving executive privilege, detention policy and administrative action. Public opinion and the media also serve as informal checks, since sustained unpopularity can erode a president's political capital.
联邦法院，尤其是最高法院，可以裁定行政行动超出了总统在宪法或法规下的权力。司法裁决可以迫使总统改变路线、公布信息或放弃某项政策，这在涉及行政特权、拘留政策和行政行为的案件中均有体现。公众舆论和媒体也构成非正式制衡，因为持续的不受欢迎会侵蚀总统的政治资本。
Finally, elections provide a regular check, as presidents must stand for re-election and their parties face midterm elections. A president who overreaches in the use of informal powers risks a backlash at the polls, which can reduce legislative support and undermine the legitimacy of further unilateral action.
最后，选举提供了一种定期制衡，因为总统必须竞选连任，其政党也面临中期选举。过度使用非正式权力的总统面临在民调中遭到反弹的风险，这可能减少立法支持并削弱进一步单边行动的合法性。
12. Conclusion: Evaluating the Growth of Informal Power | 结论：评估非正式权力的增长
The informal sources of presidential power have transformed the office from the relatively modest role envisioned by the framers into a central actor in both domestic and foreign policy. Executive orders, executive agreements, signing statements, executive privilege, the bully pulpit, emergency management and the White House staff all enable presidents to act quickly and decisively, often without the need for congressional approval.
总统权力的非正式来源已将这一职位从制宪者设想的相对温和的角色转变为一个在国内和外交政策中的核心角色。行政命令、行政协议、签署声明、行政特权、“讲坛权力”、危机管理以及白宫幕僚都使总统能够迅速果断地行动，往往无需国会批准。
However, these informal powers are not absolute and are subject to significant checks from Congress, the courts, public opinion and the electoral process. The balance between effective executive action and constitutional limits remains a central tension in US politics. Exam answers should therefore avoid simplistic claims that the president has become an unchecked imperial figure, and instead assess the extent and limits of informal power in different contexts.
然而，这些非正式权力并非绝对，并受到国会、法院、公众舆论和选举过程的重大制衡。有效行政行动与宪法限制之间的平衡仍然是美国政治中的一个核心张力。因此，考试答案应避免简单化地声称总统已成为不受制约的帝王式人物，而应评估非正式权力在不同情况下的范围和限度。
Ultimately, the use of informal presidential power depends on political skill, popular support, the nature of the crisis and the willingness of other branches to push back. A president with high approval ratings and a favourable Congress can wield informal power extensively, while a weakened president may find that the same tools are far less effective. This is why informal power is best understood as dynamic and contingent rather than fixed.
最终，非正式总统权力的运用取决于政治技巧、民众支持、危机性质以及其他部门是否有意愿进行制约。一位支持率高且国会友好的总统可以广泛行使非正式权力，而一位处于弱势的总统可能会发现同样的工具效果远没有那么显著。这就是为什么非正式权力最好被理解为动态和视情况而定的，而不是固定不变的。
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